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DTSTART;TZID=America/Los_Angeles:20241120T120000
DTEND;TZID=America/Los_Angeles:20241120T133000
DTSTAMP:20241008T143232Z
CREATED:20241008T143232Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20241008T143232Z
UID:10000200-1732104000-1732109400@temp.linguistics.ucla.edu
SUMMARY:Syntax/Semantics Seminar- Aaron White (University of Rochester)
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URL:https://temp.linguistics.ucla.edu/event/syntax-semantics-seminar-aaron-white-university-of-rochester/
LOCATION:Campbell Hall 2122
CATEGORIES:Syntax/Semantics Seminar
END:VEVENT
BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=America/Los_Angeles:20241113T120000
DTEND;TZID=America/Los_Angeles:20241113T133000
DTSTAMP:20241008T143150Z
CREATED:20241008T143150Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20241008T143150Z
UID:10000199-1731499200-1731504600@temp.linguistics.ucla.edu
SUMMARY:Syntax/Semantics Seminar- Arthur Mateos
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URL:https://temp.linguistics.ucla.edu/event/syntax-semantics-seminar-arthur-mateos/
LOCATION:Campbell Hall 2122
CATEGORIES:Syntax/Semantics Seminar
END:VEVENT
BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=America/Los_Angeles:20241106T120000
DTEND;TZID=America/Los_Angeles:20241106T133000
DTSTAMP:20241008T143019Z
CREATED:20241008T143019Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20241008T143019Z
UID:10000198-1730894400-1730899800@temp.linguistics.ucla.edu
SUMMARY:Syntax/Semantics Seminar- Sakshi Singh
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URL:https://temp.linguistics.ucla.edu/event/syntax-semantics-seminar-sakshi-singh/
LOCATION:Campbell 2122
CATEGORIES:Syntax/Semantics Seminar
END:VEVENT
BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=America/Los_Angeles:20241030T120000
DTEND;TZID=America/Los_Angeles:20241030T133000
DTSTAMP:20241008T142926Z
CREATED:20241008T142926Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20241008T142926Z
UID:10000197-1730289600-1730295000@temp.linguistics.ucla.edu
SUMMARY:Syntax/Semantics Seminar- Jessica Rett
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URL:https://temp.linguistics.ucla.edu/event/syntax-semantics-seminar-jessica-rett/
LOCATION:Campbell 2122
CATEGORIES:Syntax/Semantics Seminar
END:VEVENT
BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=America/Los_Angeles:20241023T120000
DTEND;TZID=America/Los_Angeles:20241023T133000
DTSTAMP:20241008T142820Z
CREATED:20241008T142820Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20241008T142820Z
UID:10000195-1729684800-1729690200@temp.linguistics.ucla.edu
SUMMARY:Syntax/Semantics Seminar- Tim Hunter
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URL:https://temp.linguistics.ucla.edu/event/syntax-semantics-seminar-tim-hunter/
LOCATION:Campbell 2122
CATEGORIES:Syntax/Semantics Seminar
END:VEVENT
BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=America/Los_Angeles:20241016T120000
DTEND;TZID=America/Los_Angeles:20241016T133000
DTSTAMP:20241008T142721Z
CREATED:20241008T142721Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20241008T142721Z
UID:10000194-1729080000-1729085400@temp.linguistics.ucla.edu
SUMMARY:Syntax/Semantics Seminar- Huilei Wang
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URL:https://temp.linguistics.ucla.edu/event/syntax-semantics-seminar-huilei-wang/
LOCATION:Campbell 2122
CATEGORIES:Syntax/Semantics Seminar
END:VEVENT
BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=America/Los_Angeles:20241009T120000
DTEND;TZID=America/Los_Angeles:20241009T133000
DTSTAMP:20241008T142204Z
CREATED:20241008T142204Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20241008T142204Z
UID:10000193-1728475200-1728480600@temp.linguistics.ucla.edu
SUMMARY:Syntax/Semantics Seminar- Ed Keenan
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URL:https://temp.linguistics.ucla.edu/event/syntax-semantics-seminar-ed-keenan-2/
LOCATION:Campbhell Hall 2122
CATEGORIES:Syntax/Semantics Seminar
END:VEVENT
BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=America/Los_Angeles:20231101T120000
DTEND;TZID=America/Los_Angeles:20231101T130000
DTSTAMP:20231030T104229Z
CREATED:20231030T104229Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20231030T104229Z
UID:10000116-1698840000-1698843600@temp.linguistics.ucla.edu
SUMMARY:Syntax/Semantics Seminar - Hunter Johnson
DESCRIPTION:  \nUnaccusativity and the active/stative split in Guarani \n\n\n\n\n\nGuarani is known as one of the canonical active/stative languages in which intransitive verbs vary in whether they take so-called active (looks like subject) or so-called stative (looks like object) agreement. However\, there are two problems with this view: i) lots of exceptions are attested and ii) it begs the question of how verbal agreement can be sensitive to the semantic content of the root. In this talk\, I reframe the active/stative split as syntactic and not strictly semantic. I propose that actives are unergatives and statives are unaccusatives\, based on novel language-internal diagnostics ( i) passivization\, ii) additional argument introduction\, and iii) imperatives). The question still remains of how verbal agreement is sensitive to unaccusativity. I model this using Deal’s (2015\, 2022) Interaction and Satisfaction model\, with an adaptation from Bejar (2003). In short\, probes become less picky after failed Agree\, allowing us to model instances of non-fatal failed Agree.
URL:https://temp.linguistics.ucla.edu/event/syntax-semantics-seminar-hunter-johnson-2/
CATEGORIES:Syntax/Semantics Seminar
END:VEVENT
BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=America/Los_Angeles:20230118T120000
DTEND;TZID=America/Los_Angeles:20230118T133000
DTSTAMP:20230117T105506Z
CREATED:20230117T105506Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20230117T105506Z
UID:10000040-1674043200-1674048600@temp.linguistics.ucla.edu
SUMMARY:Syntax and Semantics Seminar: János Egressy
DESCRIPTION:“A Hungarian Answer to Locality: Zipper Merge”\nSyntactic opacity can be selective\, that is\, movement landing in a matrix clause-position may be only grammatical from within a subset of embedded clauses. Existing work on selective opacity has primarily focused on the syntactic size of the embedded clause ( e.g. Williams\, 2003). For instance\, clauses with more left-periphery projections seem to be opaque to more cross-clausal movement types and lower positions in the hierarchy are harder to land in (Abels\, 2012). This is Problem 1. In this talk\, I use Hungarian to show that the left-periphery position of the embedded clause in the matrix clause also matters\, that is\, we have Problem 2: The higher a clause gets interpreted in the matrix left-periphery\, the fewer movements are grammatical from within it. Since this is problematic for existing analyses\, I provide a unified account for these two opacity-related problems.\nPhase Impenetrability Condition (Chomsky\, 2000\, 2001) can be reformulated in terms of functional sequences: The heads crossed by movements must be increasing with respect to their place in fseqs. That is\, any movement step crossing the highest head of a complement clause and then the matrix V head\, will violate PIC. One strategy to avoid this is successive cyclicty\, that is\, stopping at a phase-edge and restarting the fseq-counting before crossing V. I propose that Hungarian uses an alternative method\, namely\, restructuring: The embedded clause gets extraposed and merges with the matrix clause whenever the matrix clause reaches its size\, e.g. a matrix XP merges with an embedded XP producing a shared XP. (All XP projections must be identical with respect to features.) This means that the embedded clause’s fseq finds a continuation in the matrix clause’s fseq\, therefore\, no movement landing in this fseq-continuation will violate PIC. At the same time\, before reconstruction/extraposition\, positions along the matrix fseq remain unavailable (Problem 1 solved). Since the XP above the restructuring will be the maximal projection of the embedded X\, and we can only move maximal projections\, the embedded XP cannot be extracted and land in higher positions after it gets united with the matrix XP (Problem 2 solved).\nWhy may this be interesting on a more general level? On the one hand\, partially shared functional sequences may have semantic consequences: Smaller embedded clauses will be semantically more dependent on their matrix clause. On the other hand\, if restructuring is a last resort in the absence of phase edges\, we expect that embedded clauses which are so small that no C head with edge-features projects can be “unlocked” only via restructuring (cf. Rizzi\, 1982).
URL:https://temp.linguistics.ucla.edu/event/syntax-and-semantics-seminar-janos-egressy/
LOCATION:Campbell 2122A/B
CATEGORIES:Syntax/Semantics Seminar
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