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BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=America/Los_Angeles:20260227T140000
DTEND;TZID=America/Los_Angeles:20260227T150000
DTSTAMP:20260225T133815Z
CREATED:20260225T133815Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20260225T133815Z
UID:10000311-1772200800-1772204400@temp.linguistics.ucla.edu
SUMMARY:FIELD Group Meeting
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URL:https://temp.linguistics.ucla.edu/event/field-group-meeting-4/
LOCATION:2101K Campbell Hall
END:VEVENT
BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=America/Los_Angeles:20260227T110000
DTEND;TZID=America/Los_Angeles:20260227T140000
DTSTAMP:20250917T095407Z
CREATED:20250917T095407Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20250917T095407Z
UID:10000244-1772190000-1772200800@temp.linguistics.ucla.edu
SUMMARY:Colloquium Talk – Karthik Durvasula
DESCRIPTION:Gradience\, phonology and individual variation\nResearch over the last few decades has consistently questioned the sufficiency of abstract/discrete phonological representations based on putative misalignments between predictions from such representations and observed experimental results. Here\, I’ll first suggest that many of the arguments ride on misunderstandings of the original claims from generative phonology\, and that the typical evidence furnished is consistent with those claims. I’ll then narrow in on two phenomena\, namely\, incomplete neutralisation and near mergers\, and show again that they are consistent with the classic generative phonology view. I’ll further point out that extant accounts of the phenomena do not achieve important desiderata and typically do not provide explanations. Finally\, I present formalisations and simulations that correctly capture the desiderata for each of the phenomena. \nLocation: Fowler Museum A139
URL:https://temp.linguistics.ucla.edu/event/colloquium-talk-karthik-durvasula/
END:VEVENT
BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=America/Los_Angeles:20260227T090000
DTEND;TZID=America/Los_Angeles:20260227T110000
DTSTAMP:20260211T133000Z
CREATED:20260211T133000Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20260211T133000Z
UID:10000305-1772182800-1772190000@temp.linguistics.ucla.edu
SUMMARY:Faculty Meeting
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URL:https://temp.linguistics.ucla.edu/event/faculty-meeting-126/
LOCATION:2122 Campbell Hall
END:VEVENT
BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=America/Los_Angeles:20260226T140000
DTEND;TZID=America/Los_Angeles:20260226T160000
DTSTAMP:20260305T063051Z
CREATED:20260305T063051Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20260305T063051Z
UID:10000317-1772114400-1772121600@temp.linguistics.ucla.edu
SUMMARY:Psycho/CompLing Seminar - Evan Hochstein
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URL:https://temp.linguistics.ucla.edu/event/psycho-compling-seminar-evan-hochstein-2/
END:VEVENT
BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=America/Los_Angeles:20260225T120000
DTEND;TZID=America/Los_Angeles:20260225T140000
DTSTAMP:20260217T101312Z
CREATED:20260217T101312Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20260217T101312Z
UID:10000309-1772020800-1772028000@temp.linguistics.ucla.edu
SUMMARY:Syntax/Semantics Seminar - Cor Zanda
DESCRIPTION:The Factative Effect in Avatime \nThe Factative Effect (Welmers 1973) is a phenomenon found in many African languages whereby a single aspectual category\, often labeled the factative\, seemingly has a past perfective usage with dynamic predicates and a present imperfective usage with stative predicates. Despite its prevalence\, this pattern has received little theoretical attention. In this talk\, I provide a description and partial analysis of the Factative Effect in Avatime\, a Ghana-Togo Mountain language spoken in Ghana\, based on novel fieldwork data. I argue that apparently stative predicates in Avatime encode a complex event structure composed of a change-of-state event and a subsequent target state. Such a representation lets us account for their behavior across a range of environments\, including in the factative aspect. Avatime therefore gives us a window into the semantics of lexical and grammatical aspect and their cross-linguistic variation.
URL:https://temp.linguistics.ucla.edu/event/syntax-semantics-seminar-cor-zanda/
LOCATION:2122 Campbell Hall
END:VEVENT
BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=America/Los_Angeles:20260224T140000
DTEND;TZID=America/Los_Angeles:20260224T160000
DTSTAMP:20260114T162530Z
CREATED:20260114T162530Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20260114T162530Z
UID:10000293-1771941600-1771948800@temp.linguistics.ucla.edu
SUMMARY:Phonology Seminar- M. Rehan & David Goldstein
DESCRIPTION:From Points to Polygons: Modelling Spatial Correlation\, Practice Talk for Evolang
URL:https://temp.linguistics.ucla.edu/event/phonology-seminar-m-rehan-david-goldstein/
LOCATION:2122 Campbell Hall
END:VEVENT
BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=America/Los_Angeles:20260223T160000
DTEND;TZID=America/Los_Angeles:20260223T180000
DTSTAMP:20260205T155805Z
CREATED:20260205T155805Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20260205T155805Z
UID:10000300-1771862400-1771869600@temp.linguistics.ucla.edu
SUMMARY:Phonetics Seminar - Ji Young Kim (Dept of Spanish & Portuguese)
DESCRIPTION:Towards predicting phonetic drift in heritage speakers
URL:https://temp.linguistics.ucla.edu/event/phonetics-seminar-ji-young-kim-dept-of-spanish-portuguese-2/
LOCATION:2122 Campbell Hall
END:VEVENT
BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=America/Los_Angeles:20260219T140000
DTEND;TZID=America/Los_Angeles:20260219T160000
DTSTAMP:20260217T144237Z
CREATED:20260217T144237Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20260217T144237Z
UID:10000310-1771509600-1771516800@temp.linguistics.ucla.edu
SUMMARY:Psycho/CompLing Seminar - Adam Leif
DESCRIPTION:Agree is considered one of the fundamental operations of Minimalist Syntax\, responsible for establishing long-distance dependencies (e.g. agreement\, wh-movement). Various models of Agree have been suggested over the last few decades\, and the operation has become increasingly flexible and parameterized (e.g. with articulated probes\, separation of interaction and satisfaction) to account for complex data. However\, as we strengthen Agree\, what extra typological predictions do we make? Do they coincide with observed data\, or do we face significant overgeneration? In the latter case\, can we identify the individual modifications to Agree that result in a mechanism that is “too strong”\, in some way? I’ll present my (very ongoing) work\, which includes a face-value implementation in Python of Chomsky 2000/2001’s version of Agree. I should come with some interesting patterns that it generates\, and am hoping to frame things more as a discussion than a full presentation. Looking forward to hearing people’s thoughts!
URL:https://temp.linguistics.ucla.edu/event/psycho-compling-seminar-adam-leif/
LOCATION:2122 Campbell Hall
END:VEVENT
BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=America/Los_Angeles:20260218T120000
DTEND;TZID=America/Los_Angeles:20260218T140000
DTSTAMP:20260217T100940Z
CREATED:20260217T100940Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20260217T100940Z
UID:10000308-1771416000-1771423200@temp.linguistics.ucla.edu
SUMMARY:Syntax/Semantics Seminar - Anand Abraham
DESCRIPTION:Internal determiners in Pular relative clauses \nThis talk presents novel data from Pular\, an Atlantic language spoken in Guinea. I show that in Pular\, it is possible to express the determiner for a relative clause in a clause-internal position\, directly after any verb. Based on this\, I argue for the following claims. First\, Pular provides evidence for a head-raising analysis of relative clauses\, with the head noun and determiner both originating in a clause-internal position. Second\, heads of Pular relative clauses move successive-cyclically to their final position through vP-specifiers\, and it is at these positions where the determiner may be realized.
URL:https://temp.linguistics.ucla.edu/event/syntax-semantics-seminar-anand-abraham/
LOCATION:2122 Campbell Hall
END:VEVENT
BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=America/Los_Angeles:20260217T140000
DTEND;TZID=America/Los_Angeles:20260217T160000
DTSTAMP:20260114T162345Z
CREATED:20260114T162345Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20260114T162345Z
UID:10000292-1771336800-1771344000@temp.linguistics.ucla.edu
SUMMARY:Phonology Seminar- Zach Metzler
DESCRIPTION:Sierra Miwwok Templates-\, Practice Talk for Prosodic & Segmental Patterns in Morpholog
URL:https://temp.linguistics.ucla.edu/event/phonology-seminar-zach-metzler-2/
LOCATION:2122 Campbell Hall
END:VEVENT
BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=America/Los_Angeles:20260213T140000
DTEND;TZID=America/Los_Angeles:20260213T150000
DTSTAMP:20260213T160748Z
CREATED:20260213T160748Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20260213T160748Z
UID:10000307-1770991200-1770994800@temp.linguistics.ucla.edu
SUMMARY:FIELD Group Meeting
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URL:https://temp.linguistics.ucla.edu/event/field-group-meeting-3/
LOCATION:2101K Campbell Hall
END:VEVENT
BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=America/Los_Angeles:20260213T110000
DTEND;TZID=America/Los_Angeles:20260213T140000
DTSTAMP:20250922T152825Z
CREATED:20250922T152825Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20250922T152825Z
UID:10000248-1770980400-1770991200@temp.linguistics.ucla.edu
SUMMARY:Colloquium Talk - Shota Momma
DESCRIPTION:Structure building in language production\nLanguage production is one of the two primary ways in which we use our grammatical knowledge. However\, compared to our understanding of how comprehenders parse sentences\, how speakers build sentence structures for speaking remains poorly understood. In this talk\, I make two main claims about the nature of structure building processes during sentence production. First\, I argue that speakers represent highly abstract structural representations of sentences\, whose nature is surprisingly well captured by existing syntactic theories that were developed primarily to explain cross-linguistic acceptability judgment patterns. I present two lines of work supporting this claim: one on structural priming\, and another on the recently explored phenomenon that the overt complementizer that is more likely to be omitted when it is in the path of an A-bar dependency. Second\, I argue that the notion of locality in syntax shows an interesting parallel with the notion of planning units in sentence production. This claim is based on a recent series of studies suggesting that speakers manipulate structural units that can be construed as domains of locality under a particular syntactic theory\, namely Tree Adjoining Grammar. I conclude by sketching a theory of structure building in language production integrating these two claims. \nLocation: Fowler Museum A139
URL:https://temp.linguistics.ucla.edu/event/colloquium-talk-shota-momma/
END:VEVENT
BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=America/Los_Angeles:20260213T100000
DTEND;TZID=America/Los_Angeles:20260213T110000
DTSTAMP:20260211T132915Z
CREATED:20260211T132915Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20260211T132915Z
UID:10000304-1770976800-1770980400@temp.linguistics.ucla.edu
SUMMARY:Faculty Meeting
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URL:https://temp.linguistics.ucla.edu/event/faculty-meeting-125/
LOCATION:2122 Campbell Hall
END:VEVENT
BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=America/Los_Angeles:20260211T120000
DTEND;TZID=America/Los_Angeles:20260211T133000
DTSTAMP:20260209T155745Z
CREATED:20260209T155745Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20260209T155745Z
UID:10000303-1770811200-1770816600@temp.linguistics.ucla.edu
SUMMARY:Syntax/Semantics Seminar - János Egressy
DESCRIPTION:Under standard Phase Theory\, the locality constraint deriving successive cyclicity is the PIC (Chomsky 2001)\, which requires movement to proceed via the edge of phases. For example\, a CP phase can only be escaped via Spec\,CP. The Williams Cycle (Williams 2003; Poole 2023) generalizes selective opacity\, a different kind of locality: It is P’s relative size that makes it opaque to probes that are not sufficiently high in the next lowest clause. For example\, probes on C but not on T can search into CP because C T in the functional sequence. Most accounts of selective opacity (Keine 2020) or the Williams Cycle effects (Meadows 2023) handle successive cyclicity and Williams Cycle effects as independent phenomena. That is\, a CP may independently necessitate successive cyclicity because it’s a phase and exhibit WC effects because it’s too large. \nThis talk provides a unified account that derives successive cyclicity and Williams Cycle effects. Specifically\, I introduce a novel constraint\, which dictates movement steps must proceed along well-formed fseq-fragments\, i.e. must be turned into steps that are clause-internal in the relevant sense. Cross-clausal movement can proceed via two strategies. My account predicts that the first strategy\, successive cyclic sub-extraction obviates Williams Cycle effects because movement from the embedded clause’s edge is free to the matrix clause (e.g. in Mongolian (Fong\, 2019) and P’urhepecha clauses (Zyman\, 2017)). If sub-extraction cannot proceed successive cyclically from a clause (e.g. German or Hindi CPs)\, sub-extraction can still proceed via an alternative strategy: The clause moves to an equal-sized matrix projection. Since the clause’s movement is delayed till the matrix clause reaches the size of the embedded clause\, clauses requiring extraposition for transparency will exhibit Williams Cycle effects.
URL:https://temp.linguistics.ucla.edu/event/syntax-semantics-seminar-janos-egressy-2/
LOCATION:2122 Campbell Hall
END:VEVENT
BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=America/Los_Angeles:20260210T140000
DTEND;TZID=America/Los_Angeles:20260210T160000
DTSTAMP:20260114T162102Z
CREATED:20260114T162102Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20260114T162102Z
UID:10000291-1770732000-1770739200@temp.linguistics.ucla.edu
SUMMARY:Phonology Seminar- Aidan Ackerman
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URL:https://temp.linguistics.ucla.edu/event/phonology-seminar-aidan-ackerman/
LOCATION:2122 Campbell Hall
END:VEVENT
BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=America/Los_Angeles:20260209T160000
DTEND;TZID=America/Los_Angeles:20260209T180000
DTSTAMP:20260205T155435Z
CREATED:20260205T155435Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20260205T155435Z
UID:10000299-1770652800-1770660000@temp.linguistics.ucla.edu
SUMMARY:Phonetics Seminar - Coralie Cram
DESCRIPTION:“Cross-linguistic differences in coarticulation in two Australian languages”
URL:https://temp.linguistics.ucla.edu/event/phonetics-seminar-coralie-cram/
LOCATION:2122 Campbell Hall
END:VEVENT
BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=America/Los_Angeles:20260206T110000
DTEND;TZID=America/Los_Angeles:20260206T110000
DTSTAMP:20250917T095143Z
CREATED:20250917T095143Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20250917T095143Z
UID:10000243-1770375600-1770375600@temp.linguistics.ucla.edu
SUMMARY:Colloquium Talk - Adrian Brasoveanu
DESCRIPTION:Reimagining the Semantics of Narratives and Counterfactuals\nWe propose a semantics for narratives and counterfactuals that explicitly connects them to cognitive models of temporal / causal inferences in narrative discourse comprehension. Both narrative discourses and counterfactuals are understood by (i) constructing temporally-indexed sequences of situation models\, which are analog vector-space representations of meaning grounded in our experience perceiving and understanding the world (our learned model of the world)\, and then (ii) enriching these representations with temporal inferences through a temporal coherence-seeking process. The account\, which we term Distributed Situation-model Semantics (DSS)\, builds on the Distributed Situation Space model of narrative discourse comprehension in Frank et al. 2003\, showing how we can use it to move beyond theoretically primitive notions of counterfactual similarity by computing / constructing a historically-structured similarity relation through this coherence-seeking interpretation process. We formalize a semantics that integrates linguistic input with rich temporal world knowledge\, interprets narratives and counterfactuals in a graded and context-sensitive manner\, and inherently links probabilistic representations of truth-conditions to processing time. In doing so\, DSS challenges the traditional semantics-pragmatics and competence-performance distinctions\, treating learning world models (acquiring world knowledge)\, processing time\, and continuous\, differentiable\, probabilistic truth-conditional representations as intrinsic components of semantic theory. Semantic interpretation is conceptualized as content-addressable memory (a continuous Hopfield network\, Hopfield 1984)\, the counterfactual antecedent and the actual context as a memory cue\, and counterfactual similarity is understood as timeline retrieval / pattern completion of this cue. \nLocation: Fowler Museum A139
URL:https://temp.linguistics.ucla.edu/event/colloquium-talk-adrian-brasoveanu/
END:VEVENT
BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=America/Los_Angeles:20260205T140000
DTEND;TZID=America/Los_Angeles:20260205T160000
DTSTAMP:20260112T120452Z
CREATED:20260112T120452Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20260112T120452Z
UID:10000278-1770300000-1770307200@temp.linguistics.ucla.edu
SUMMARY:Psycho/CompLing Seminar
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URL:https://temp.linguistics.ucla.edu/event/psycho-compling-seminar-11/
LOCATION:2122 Campbell Hall
END:VEVENT
BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=America/Los_Angeles:20260204T120000
DTEND;TZID=America/Los_Angeles:20260204T140000
DTSTAMP:20260112T121927Z
CREATED:20260112T121927Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20260112T121927Z
UID:10000287-1770206400-1770213600@temp.linguistics.ucla.edu
SUMMARY:Syntax/Semantics Seminar - Ethan Poole
DESCRIPTION:Syntactic variables and semantic minimality \nEthan Poole (joint work with Zahra Mirrazi) \nWe argue that when two syntactic variables are “related” and stand in a c-command relationship at LF\, a ¾-pattern emerges: free/free\, bound/bound\, bound/free\, and *free/bound. Several otherwise-disparate puzzles are shown to fall under this pattern: Dahl’s Puzzle\, SCO effects\, the Nested DP Constraint\, exceptional de dicto\, de re blocking\, and certain restrictions on fake indexicals. Building on Drummond 2014\, we propose that these phenomena reflect a minimality-style constraint on variables: (roughly) a variable may not be bound across a related free variable. The notion of “related”\, we define in terms of overlap in value and counterparts\, an extension of Reinhart’s (2006) covaluation. We argue that this “semantic minimality” does not straightforwardly reduce to the garden-variety syntactic minimality; rather\, we suggest that syntactic and semantic minimality are separate\, convergent consequences of economy.
URL:https://temp.linguistics.ucla.edu/event/syntax-semantics-seminar-ethan-poole-2/
LOCATION:2122 Campbell Hall
END:VEVENT
BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=America/Los_Angeles:20260203T140000
DTEND;TZID=America/Los_Angeles:20260203T160000
DTSTAMP:20260114T162006Z
CREATED:20260114T162006Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20260114T162006Z
UID:10000290-1770127200-1770134400@temp.linguistics.ucla.edu
SUMMARY:Phonology Seminar- Claire Moore-Cantwell & Zach Metzler
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URL:https://temp.linguistics.ucla.edu/event/phonology-seminar-claire-moore-cantwell-zach-metzler/
LOCATION:2122 Campbell Hall
END:VEVENT
BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=America/Los_Angeles:20260202T160000
DTEND;TZID=America/Los_Angeles:20260202T180000
DTSTAMP:20260112T121026Z
CREATED:20260112T121026Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20260112T121026Z
UID:10000282-1770048000-1770055200@temp.linguistics.ucla.edu
SUMMARY:Phonetics Seminar - Megha Sundara
DESCRIPTION:How do Spanish-learning infants discover morphological suffixes? (UBC Talk) \nSuffixes like English -s\, -ed and -ing\, and Spanish -a and -o are the basic building blocks of syntax. In this talk\, I will first identify the mechanism by which English-learning infants find suffixes. To do so\, I will use modeling to evaluate various mechanisms for affix discovery against the developmental trajectory uncovered in experiments with English-learning infants. Then\, in two experiments I will test the predictions of the successful model on infants learning Spanish. I will end by discussing the essential properties of a successful affix discovery mechanism\, and its implications for acquisition of other languages.
URL:https://temp.linguistics.ucla.edu/event/phonetics-seminar-megha-sundara-2/
LOCATION:2122 Campbell Hall
END:VEVENT
BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=America/Los_Angeles:20260130T140000
DTEND;TZID=America/Los_Angeles:20260130T150000
DTSTAMP:20260112T121458Z
CREATED:20260112T121458Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20260112T121458Z
UID:10000284-1769781600-1769785200@temp.linguistics.ucla.edu
SUMMARY:FIELD Group Meeting
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URL:https://temp.linguistics.ucla.edu/event/field-group-meeting-2/
LOCATION:2101K Campbell Hall
END:VEVENT
BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=America/Los_Angeles:20260130T090000
DTEND;TZID=America/Los_Angeles:20260130T110000
DTSTAMP:20260120T090048Z
CREATED:20260120T090048Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20260120T090048Z
UID:10000297-1769763600-1769770800@temp.linguistics.ucla.edu
SUMMARY:Faculty Meeting
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URL:https://temp.linguistics.ucla.edu/event/faculty-meeting-124/
LOCATION:2122 Campbell Hall
END:VEVENT
BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=America/Los_Angeles:20260129T140000
DTEND;TZID=America/Los_Angeles:20260129T160000
DTSTAMP:20260112T120401Z
CREATED:20260112T120401Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20260112T120401Z
UID:10000277-1769695200-1769702400@temp.linguistics.ucla.edu
SUMMARY:Psycho/CompLing Seminar - Christian Muxica
DESCRIPTION:Predicting contrastive alternatives in the comprehension of focus \nHow and when are focus alternatives identified during real-time language processing? I will raise the possibility that\, at least in certain contexts\, comprehenders can anticipate the relevance of a particular set of contrastive alternatives\, before focus has been encountered. Evidence in favor of such predictive processing would run counter to a class of existing approaches\, whereby alternatives are distinguished from non-alternatives after focus has been encountered (e.g.\, Husband & Ferreira 2016). I will briefly review the relevant literature and present some in-progress ideas about how to probe the existence of such a prediction.
URL:https://temp.linguistics.ucla.edu/event/psycho-compling-seminar-christian-muxica-2/
LOCATION:2122 Campbell Hall
END:VEVENT
BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=America/Los_Angeles:20260128T120000
DTEND;TZID=America/Los_Angeles:20260128T140000
DTSTAMP:20260112T121858Z
CREATED:20260112T121858Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20260112T121858Z
UID:10000286-1769601600-1769608800@temp.linguistics.ucla.edu
SUMMARY:Syntax/Semantics Seminar - Sakshi Singh
DESCRIPTION:Interaction of Split Ergativity and DOM in Haryanvi \nThis talk investigates the interaction of split ergativity and differential object marking in Haryanvi\, an under-studied Indo-Aryan language spoken in Northern India. Like Hindi\, Haryanvi can be classified as a split-ergative language\, where transitive subjects in the perfective aspect are case-marked differently than subjects in other aspects. Hindi marks these ergative subjects with /ne/ while another case /ko/ can be used to mark both direct and indirect objects. In contrast\, Haryanvi has the same case /nE/ that marks both objects and ergative-subjects. In addition\, there are two other object case markers\, /tii/ and /kE/. To rephrase\, there are three different case markers that appear on objects: /nE/\, /tii/\, and /kE/; and /nE/ also appears on transitive subjects in perfective aspect. Interestingly\, subject-/nE/ and object-/nE/ are in complementary distribution; while the former obligatorily marks transitive subjects in the perfective aspect\, and the latter differentially marks objects (along with /tii/) in non-perfective aspects. Moreover\, while case marking is obligatory on animate objects in non- perfective aspects\, all objects whether animate or specific can be left unmarked in the perfective aspect. That is\, once the subject receives /nE/ case\, the DOM restrictions on objects are relaxed\, and even personal pronouns\, which are highest on Aissen(2003)’s Prominence Scale\, can go unmarked. The goal of the talk is to present a series of empirical generalizations about the distributions of /nE/ and its interactions with DOM\, along with a preliminary formal analysis. 
URL:https://temp.linguistics.ucla.edu/event/syntax-semantics-seminar-sakshi-singh-2/
LOCATION:2122 Campbell Hall
END:VEVENT
BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=America/Los_Angeles:20260127T140000
DTEND;TZID=America/Los_Angeles:20260127T160000
DTSTAMP:20260114T161753Z
CREATED:20260114T161753Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20260114T161753Z
UID:10000289-1769522400-1769529600@temp.linguistics.ucla.edu
SUMMARY:Phonology Seminar- Kevin Liang
DESCRIPTION:Infants learn saltatory alternations: evidence from Catalan
URL:https://temp.linguistics.ucla.edu/event/phonology-seminar-kevin-liang/
LOCATION:2122 Campbell Hall
END:VEVENT
BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=America/Los_Angeles:20260126T160000
DTEND;TZID=America/Los_Angeles:20260126T180000
DTSTAMP:20260112T120944Z
CREATED:20260112T120944Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20260112T120944Z
UID:10000281-1769443200-1769450400@temp.linguistics.ucla.edu
SUMMARY:Phonetics Seminar - Jennifer Shin
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URL:https://temp.linguistics.ucla.edu/event/phonetics-seminar-jennifer-shin/
LOCATION:2122 Campbell Hall
END:VEVENT
BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=America/Los_Angeles:20260123T141500
DTEND;TZID=America/Los_Angeles:20260123T150000
DTSTAMP:20260122T104948Z
CREATED:20260122T104948Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20260122T104948Z
UID:10000298-1769177700-1769180400@temp.linguistics.ucla.edu
SUMMARY:FIELD Group meeting - Q and A with Jessica Coon (McGill)
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URL:https://temp.linguistics.ucla.edu/event/field-meeting-qa-with-jessica-coon-mcgill/
LOCATION:2101K Campbell Hall
END:VEVENT
BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=America/Los_Angeles:20260123T110000
DTEND;TZID=America/Los_Angeles:20260123T140000
DTSTAMP:20250917T094937Z
CREATED:20250917T094937Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20250917T094937Z
UID:10000242-1769166000-1769176800@temp.linguistics.ucla.edu
SUMMARY:Colloquium Talk – Jessica Coon
DESCRIPTION:“Reconsidering animacy hierarchy effects in Mayan: Experimental evidence from Ch’ol” \n(presenting joint work with Stefan Keine (UCLA)\, Juan Vázquez Álvarez (CIMSUR-UNAM)\, and Michael Wagner (McGill)) \nLike many other Mayan languages\, Ch’ol has been described as restricting the combination of 3rd person arguments in a transitive clause according to their relative animacy (Zavala 2007\, Vázquez Álvarez 2011; see Deal & Royer 2025 for an overview)\, as in (1): \n(1) Ch’ol animacy restriction:\nThird person subjects must be at least as high as third person objects on the scale HUMAN >> ANIMATE >> INANIMATE. \nAs in many other Mayan languages\, the restriction holds only over 3>3 transitives; 1st/2nd person human objects are possible regardless of the subject’s animacy. Passivization is commonly described as a rescue for expressing hierarchy-violating 3>3 constructions. \nAissen (1997) provides an Optimality Theoretic account for these patterns in related Tsotsil\, using constraints which enforce alignment between participant hierarchies and grammatical roles. More recently\, Deal & Royer (2025) argue for an Agree-based approach to Mayan animacy effects based on Deal’s (2024) Interaction/Satisfaction model of Agree. While different in their formal mechanisms\, both accounts (i) derive uniform ungrammaticality of all hierarchy violating transitives; (ii) invoke comparison of the relative animacy of subject and object; (iii) stipulate the immunity of 1st/2nd person pronouns. \nWe show that animacy effects in Ch’ol are more complex than previously described. We discuss results of a series of three experiments we conducted with 52 speakers of Ch’ol in Chiapas\, Mexico: (i) a production task; (ii) a forced choice task; and (iii) a rating task. We do not find a binary opposition between hierarchy-obeying and hierarchy-violating constructions\, contra expectations of (1)\, but rather more gradient and task-specific effects. We propose an account that attributes the animacy restriction to alignment constraints that demand subjects and external arguments to be high in animacy\, combined with task-specific competition between syntactic structures. Unlike previous analyses\, this account does not involve a comparison of the animacy of subject and object. Furthermore\, it derives the fact that animacy restrictions arise only in configurations in which the verb form does not uniquely determine the mapping between nominals and their grammatical roles\, correctly capturing the immunity of 1st/2nd persons and the rescuing effects of passivization. \nLocation: Fowler Museum A139
URL:https://temp.linguistics.ucla.edu/event/colloquium-talk-jessica-coon/
END:VEVENT
BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=America/Los_Angeles:20260122T140000
DTEND;TZID=America/Los_Angeles:20260122T160000
DTSTAMP:20260112T120321Z
CREATED:20260112T120321Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20260112T120321Z
UID:10000276-1769090400-1769097600@temp.linguistics.ucla.edu
SUMMARY:Psycho/CompLing Seminar - Mandy Cartner\, UCSC
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URL:https://temp.linguistics.ucla.edu/event/psycho-compling-seminar-mandy-cartner-ucsc/
LOCATION:2122 Campbell Hall
END:VEVENT
END:VCALENDAR